American Muslims participate in civic life at rates comparable to or exceeding most other religious groups — yet face significant barriers. Here's the data, the actions, and the reflection that leaders can bring to the work.
American Muslims participate in civic life at rates comparable to or exceeding most other religious groups, from voting and contacting elected officials to attending town halls and running for office, despite facing significant barriers at the polls. Furthermore, there are enough Muslim voters to determine presidential elections.
According to ISPU’s American Muslim Poll 2025, Muslim voter registration has increased steadily over the past decade, rising from 60% in 2016 to 85% in 2025. Within Muslim communities, however, gender disparities exist: among those legally eligible to vote, 92% of Muslim men are registered compared to 76% of Muslim women.
For 2025, Muslims who were eligible to vote were equally as likely as most other religious groups to be registered to vote. Muslim voter registration (85%) is comparable to Catholics (87%), Protestants (83%), white Evangelicals (87%), and both the non-affiliated and the general public (84%), though slightly lower than Jews, who have the highest registration rate at 92%.
Eighty percent of registered Muslim voters cast ballots in the 2024 presidential election. This is less likely than 91% of registered voters who voted among the general public, 94% among Jews, 92% among Catholics, and 95% among Protestants and white Evangelicals. This occurred within a broader context of widening racial inequality in voter turnout. While white voter turnout has increased substantially since 2016, Black turnout has declined from its peak, and Latino and Asian American turnout, though increasing over time, continues to lag well behind white turnout.
According to American Muslim Poll 2025, the following factors predicted higher voter turnout among Muslims:
In 2024, Muslims were the most likely group to report experiencing obstacles to voting — significantly higher than Jews (12%), Catholics (16%), Protestants (8%), white Evangelicals (4%), the non-affiliated (13%), and the general public (11%).
Despite high voter registration, Muslims face significant barriers at the polls. In 2024, Muslims were the most likely group to report experiencing obstacles to voting (37%), significantly higher than Jews (12%), Catholics (16%), Protestants (8%), white Evangelicals (4%), the non-affiliated (13%), and the general public (11%).
The most common obstacles Muslims faced included long wait times to cast a ballot, cited by 16% of Muslims compared to 6% of the general public, followed by intimidation by private citizens (14% of Muslims vs. 2% of the general public).
Muslim civic engagement extends well beyond voting. In 2025, American Muslims demonstrated higher levels of civic participation than most other groups across multiple indicators. They were more likely than the general public to contact their federal elected representative (22% vs. 17%), while their rates of contacting local officials (19%) were comparable to Catholics (14%), Protestants (22%), white Evangelicals (19%), the non-affiliated (15%), and the general public (18%).
Muslims were especially active in community political engagement. They were the most likely group to attend a town hall meeting (23%), significantly higher than Catholics (10%), Protestants (7%), white Evangelicals (4%), the non-affiliated (7%), and the general public (8%), and comparable to Jews (18%). Similarly, 15% of Muslims reported volunteering for a political campaign in the year prior to the survey, exceeding rates among Catholics (8%), Protestants (6%), white Evangelicals (3%), the non-affiliated (6%), and the general public (7%), though comparable to Jews (12%).
Muslim representation in elected government has grown significantly in recent years, reflecting increased civic engagement within the community. As of 2026, five Muslims serve in the U.S. Congress: Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, Lateefah Simon, Aisha Wahab, and André Carson. This represents a historic milestone for American Muslim political representation at the federal level.
A report from CAIR confirmed that at least 38 of the 70+ Muslim candidates running nationwide in the 2025 elections were successfully elected to office across state and local levels. Notable wins include the following:
Additionally, as of 2026, nearly 20 Muslims were elected to city councils, town councils, and commissioner positions; two to judicial and county offices; and seven to school boards across the nation in the 2025 election.
Muslim candidates and elected officials in the U.S. face persistent Islamophobic attacks that question their loyalty and patriotism. A report by the Center for the Study of Organized Hate (CSOH) documented this pattern during the 2025 New York City mayoral general election, analyzing Islamophobic and xenophobic narratives targeting candidate Zohran Mamdani on X. The analysis identified over 35,000 original posts made between June and October 2025 by over 17,000 unique accounts, reaching an estimated 1.5 billion people. Nearly 39% of those posts were authored by verified blue-badge users.
The report identified four key themes. The most dominant was extremist and terrorist labeling, accounting for 72% of all posts, which framed Mamdani’s Muslim identity as inherently linked to terrorism through terms like “jihadi,” “radical Muslim,” and “terror sympathizer.” The remaining themes included Islamization conspiracy theories advancing claims of “sharia law” and “Muslim takeover”; explicit calls for deportation and denaturalization using phrases like “send back” and “remigrate”; and patriotism and loyalty attacks questioning Mamdani’s allegiance through terms like “traitor” and “enemy within.”
The report identified four key themes in the narratives targeting Mamdani:
Source: CSOH
Together, these narratives reflect a broader pattern of exclusion that positioned Muslim identity as incompatible with American civic and political life.
This hostility is not limited to social media. In the same race, Mamdani was labeled “a terrorist sympathizer” and attacked with references to 9/11. Former Governor Andrew Cuomo, for example, stated, “God forbid, another 9/11, can you imagine Mamdani in the seat?,” to which radio host Sid Rosenberg responded, “He’d be cheering.” Republican Congresswoman Elise Stefanik similarly condemned Mamdani as “a jihadist candidate for mayor.”
Representative Ilhan Omar has faced comparable attacks, including from President Trump, who called her a “radical left lunatic,” suggested she should be “sent back to Somalia,” and told audiences that immigrants “have to show that they can love our country, be proud - not like Ilhan Omar.”
These attacks reflect a pattern of targeting Muslim candidates and elected officials that experts say has contributed to a climate of hostility and intimidation that discourages Muslim participation in democratic processes and places Muslim candidates and communities at heightened risk of real-world violence.
Representative Ilhan Omar has faced comparable attacks, including from President Trump, who called her a "radical left lunatic," suggested she should be "sent back to Somalia," and told audiences that immigrants "have to show that they can love our country, be proud — not like Ilhan Omar."
These attacks reflect a pattern of targeting Muslim candidates and elected officials that experts say has contributed to a climate of hostility and intimidation — one that discourages Muslim participation in democratic processes and places Muslim candidates and communities at heightened risk of real-world violence.
Islamophobia has reemerged as a deliberate campaign strategy, with anti-Muslim rhetoric used as a tool to mobilize voters and target Muslim communities. Anti-Muslim sentiment tends to worsen during election cycles, and the Texas’ 2025–26 election season is a stark example of this trend. As one Texas GOP consultant stated, “the Muslim community is the boogeyman for this cycle,” adding that “one hundred percent this message works, there’s no question about it.” Republican candidates in the state have run ads claiming politicians imported millions of Muslims into the country, linking them without evidence to crime, terrorism, and the imposition of “Sharia law.” Governor Greg Abbott signed a law banning “Sharia” compounds in Texas in September of 2025. In March 2026, this rhetoric was formalized when Texas State Representative Brent Money announced the formation of the Sharia Free Texas Caucus, citing what he described as “the alarming rise of Sharia Law in Texas.” Gov. Abbott went further, declaring the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), the country’s leading Muslim advocacy organization, a terrorist organization, a move with real consequences for other nonprofits (stifling free speech) and for the 300,000 Muslims living in the state. As a legal counsel for a Muslim development targeted by state officials observed: “The attacks on the Muslim community are at an all-time high. I think it’s worse now than it was after 9/11.”
Despite growing political representation, Muslims report significant fears for their personal safety that shape how they navigate daily life in America. Following the 2024 election, ISPU’s American Muslim Poll 2025 found that Muslims and Jews were the most likely faith groups to report fearing for their personal safety (29% and 23%, respectively). These rates are significantly higher than Catholics (8%), Protestants (7%), white Evangelicals (3%), the non-affiliated (20%), and the general public (12%).
Among Muslims, disparities in safety concerns are evident. Muslim women (36%) reported fearing for their personal safety at higher rates than Muslim men (24%). Additionally, 14% of Muslims reported modifying their appearance to be less visibly Muslim, with similar rates among both men (17%) and women (11%).
Younger Muslims experience heightened fears around specific threats. Those ages 18–29 reported greater concern about their family members’ safety from white supremacists (39%) and their immigration status (31%) compared to Muslims ages 30–49 (25% and 18%, respectively) and those 50 and older (21% and 11%, respectively). Notably, Muslims are the faith group most likely to fear for their safety due to immigration status concerns (22%), significantly higher than other religious groups (1%–6%).
Among Muslims, disparities are evident. Muslim women (36%) reported fearing for their personal safety at higher rates than Muslim men (24%). Additionally, 14% of Muslims reported modifying their appearance to be less visibly Muslim, with similar rates among both men (17%) and women (11%).
Younger Muslims experience heightened fears around specific threats. Those ages 18–29 reported greater concern about their family members' safety from white supremacists (39%) and their immigration status (31%) compared to Muslims ages 30–49 (25% and 18%) and those 50 and older (21% and 11%). Notably, Muslims are the faith group most likely to fear for their safety due to immigration status concerns (22%) — significantly higher than other religious groups (1%–6%).
| Muslim | General Public | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2017 | 2025 | 2017 | 2025 | |
| Suffered emotionally with stress and anxiety | 13% | 22% | 7% | 13% |
| Feared for your personal safety or that of your family from white supremacist groups | 38% | 29% | 13% | 12% |
| Joined, donated to, or volunteered at a civic organization for the first time | 18% | 9% | 12% | 4% |
| Made plans to leave the country, if necessary | 18% | 20% | 8% | 8% |
| Modified your appearance to be less identifiable as a member of your religious community | 15% | 14% | 1% | 2% |
| Decreased or decided against donating to an organization associated with your faith community | 8% | 9% | 4% | 2% |
| Removed your children from public schools | 5% | 4% | 1% | 2% |
Figure 33: Now switching back to the most recent election, as a result of the outcome of the 2024 presidential election have you done or experienced any of the following? Base: Total respondents, 2017 and 2025. Fielded April 2–May 8, 2025. More: ispu.org/poll
The data reveals both the strength of Muslim civic participation and the barriers that threaten it. Civic, policy, and political leaders can take the following actions to support Muslim communities. The recommendations below are adapted from the Muslim Civic Coalition; Black Muslim Leadership Council; ISPU’s American Muslim Poll 2025: Evolving Electorate, Enduring Challenges; ISPU’s Countering Anti-Muslim Opposition to Mosque and Islamic Center Construction and Expansion, and input from toolkit advisors.
Muslim voters would benefit from training on how to effectively engage with elected officials at local and federal levels, including attending town halls, contributing to campaigns, and advocating for policy priorities, to sustain growth and amplify the impact of their civic participation. Empowering Muslims to participate fully in civic life directly counters the marginalization and exclusion that Islamophobia promotes.
Many Muslims continue to face significant barriers to voting, including long wait times and intimidation by private citizens. Civic organizations and local election officials should identify and address the key obstacles reported by Muslim voters as part of broader efforts to ensure equitable access to the ballot box for all communities. Additionally, build awareness among Muslim community leaders about these obstacles to increase education among Muslim communities and assist mosque leaders in establishing their facilities as polling places. Enabling fuller Muslim participation not only benefits American Muslims but strengthens democracy as a whole.
As Muslim participation in civic life grows, there are limits to the experience of this community in running for public office. Muslim civic organizations should provide more resources and training for those interested in running for public office. Muslims running for public office face an incredible amount of Islamophobia, and support should be provided to help candidates push back against various forms of discrimination they face in the process of registering to run and engaging with constituents, their opponents, and the media.
Develop a trusted network of experts within the Muslim community by seeking out established scholars, researchers, and subject-matter experts who can provide informed analysis and perspectives. As part of the vetting process, ensure that these experts and organizations have both recognized expertise and broad community trust. Ensure that all conversations are based on verified and credible sources of information.
Build sincere relationships with local Muslim communities and their leaders to establish direct communication, collaboration, and forums for discussing concerns. Invite Muslims to listening sessions and town halls outside of election season. Utilize these relationships to learn about your local Muslim community, their values, contributions, and needs. For example, familiarize yourself with Muslim free clinics, food pantries, and small businesses in your area and acknowledge them when speaking about people doing good in your locality.
Muslims in the U.S. are the most racially and ethnically diverse religious group and the only religious group without a racial/ethnic majority. This diversity is reflected in the various political priorities that Muslims hold. One such example is that Black Muslims may place higher importance to issues that are critical for Black Americans in general, such as criminal justice system reform and equitable economic opportunities. Policy makers and candidates for elected office should not make assumptions about the concerns of Muslim constituents; rather, they should establish genuine channels of communication and outreach seeking to understand the policy priorities among segments of the Muslim constituency.
Muslim voters’ support should not be taken for granted by any party. The significant shifts observed in the 2024 presidential election demonstrate that many Muslims are issue-driven rather than strictly partisan voters. For example, the genocide in Gaza mobilized large segments of the community, yet was often dismissed, downplayed, or ignored by both major political parties. Genuine engagement requires listening to and addressing the issues that matter most to Muslim constituents, rather than assuming party loyalty.
Familiarize yourself with the Islamophobia industry’s efforts to create fear of and resistance to mosques and Muslims. Recognize anti-Muslim agendas that may be disguised as anti-development arguments in mosque opposition campaigns. Pursue factual information about the positive effects of diverse faith communities and the specific contributions of your local Muslim community.
Dismantling Islamophobia must remain a priority at both social and structural levels, requiring sustained investment from leaders across all sectors. Given the data showing Muslims’ heightened fears for personal safety, particularly among women and young people, addressing Islamophobia is essential not only for civic engagement but for the fundamental wellbeing and security of American Muslims.
Ensure a community engagement or outreach staffer is equipped to engage with Muslim communities. In districts/states with significant Muslim constituents, consider creating a specific American Muslim liaison.
Islamophobia is a form of discrimination, bias, and racism against Muslims and consequently those who appear to be Muslim that relies on stereotypes of Muslims and Islam that can result in their unequal treatment. Islamophobia is structural and can be seen in American social structures, laws and policies, media narratives, and ideologies. It also exists in interpersonal interactions between individuals that result in the unjust treatment of Muslims and those misidentified as Muslims in society.
